By Deana A. Rohlinger
Weaving jointly analyses of archival fabric, information insurance, and interviews carried out with newshounds from mainstream and partisan shops in addition to with activists around the political spectrum, Deana A. Rohlinger reimagines how activists use numerous mediums, occasionally concurrently, to agitate for - and opposed to - felony abortion. Rohlinger's in-depth pictures of 4 teams - the nationwide correct to lifestyles Committee, deliberate Parenthood, the nationwide association for ladies, and anxious girls for the USA - illuminates whilst teams use media and why they could decide to stay away from media recognition altogether. Rohlinger expertly unearths why a few activist teams are extra determined than others to draw media recognition and sheds mild on what this suggests for coverage making and felony abortion within the twenty-first century.
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Extra info for Abortion Politics, Mass Media, and Social Movements in America
Cooperation among groups is not always contentious, nor is it always formal. Allied organizations, particularly ones that disagree on strategy and goals, may cooperate informally by sharing information on issues, campaigns, and tactics. These informal arrangements can have several beneﬁts. Moderate groups beneﬁt politically from the presence of radical allies. Radical organizations offer politicians and the public a comprehensive vision of a problem and more drastic solutions than their moderate counterparts.
In practical terms this means that while outlets in the ﬁeld try to balance the dual demands of informing the citizenry and making a proﬁt, how they do so varies widely. Pierre Bourdieu explains heterogeneity by focusing on the differential pressures that come to bear on outlets in the journalistic ﬁeld (Bourdieu 1998a, 2005). He argues that the social world is structured around two opposing forms of power, or economic and cultural capital (Bourdieu 1998a, 1998b, 2005). While the forms of economic and cultural capital vary by ﬁeld, economic capital is represented by circulation/ratings as well as advertising dollars, and cultural capital by professional honors that result from peer recognition such as the Pulitzer Prize in the journalistic ﬁeld (Benson 2006; Bourdieu 1998a).
Likewise, a group may want to refute negative coverage, but lack the ability to credibly craft an argument that would be convincing to media professionals or a broader public. In these instances, a group may choose to target sympathetic media outlets or simply post its response on organization-controlled venues (such as its website and email lists). Organizations that have the required resources, skills, and messaging may still decide to ignore negative coverage. These groups may decide that the resource expenditure is too high or use it as evidence to justify changing their media approach.